|Guarding the Multinationals|
by Pratap Chatterjee, Multinational Monitor
March 1st, 1998
Alan Golacinski was White House Security Adviser, a position he rose to after 20 years in the State Department, while Michael Golovatov spent an equal number of years working for the KGB's crack commando team, known at the time as Alpha.Now both Golacinski and Golovatov report to the same bosses-Richard Bethell and Sir Alistair Morrison-two ex-Special Air Service (SAS) commandos in London. They run a profitable private company named Defense Systems Limited (DSL) in London in offices next to Buckingham Palace, working for Petrochemical companies, mining or mineral extraction companies and their subsidiaries, multinationals, banks, embassies, non-governmental organizations, national and international organizations.
|China: Reviewing Ban of the Arms sales on China
by Steven Lee Myers , New York Times
January 18th, 1998
On the eve of his trip to Asia this week, Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen pressed the Clinton Administration to let an American arms maker sell spare parts to China, despite a ban on sales of military equipment imposed after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, Administration officials say.
|US: The Northrop Grumman B-2 Boondoggle |
by Ken Silverstein, Multinational Monitor
September 1st, 1997
As the monitor goes to press, the U.S. Congress appears headed for a showdown vote on the fate of Northrop-Grumman's B-2 bomber, the single most expensive piece of military equipment ever designed, with a per unit price of about $2 billion. Congress has already allocated $44 billion for the project, a figure that exceeds the annual defense budget for all but four nations in the world (England, France, Japan and Germany). Now, hawks in the House led by Representative Norm Dicks of Washington state -- a major recipient of campaign cash from Boeing, a B-2 subcontractor -- are trying to win another $9 billion for the bomber. The Senate has voted to cap production at the current level of 20. A conference committee will soon resolve the issue.
|Saudi Arabia: Royal Family Gets Quiet Help From U.S. Firm With Connections|
by Charles J Hanley, Associated Press
March 22nd, 1997
Vinnell first came to Saudi Arabia 22 years ago on a "one-time" training mission. Today, under a Pentagon-supervised contract, its military specialists are permanent on-scene consultants throughout the National Guard. Three hundred Vinnell experts, almost all U.S. military veterans, many recently discharged, instruct Saudi guardsmen in the latest weaponry, supervise supply operations, teach brigade-level tactics, help operate a hospital and are updating the Guard's data processing, among other functions.
|US: Old hands hold hands with Beijing on trade policy
by George Archibald, The Washington Times
March 3rd, 1997
Big bucks and big names are proving to be corporate America's weapons of choice in a heightened lobbying push to head off any U.S. retaliation for China's reported involvement in the unfolding political fund-raising scandal.
|US: Lockheed Talks, the Pentagon Listens|
by William Hartung, Washington Post
June 26th, 1996
His name is not a household word, but Norman Augustine is one of those rare Washington power brokers for whom a Cabinet-level position would be a demotion. Augustine is the chief executive officer of Lockheed Martin Corp., the world's largest defense conglomerate, and a key player in the network of quasi-official military-industrial interest groups. He will probably have as much to say about how much money the United States spends on weapons through the end of this decade as any secretary of defense.
|Saudi Arabia: Mercenaries, Inc.|
by William D. Hartung, The Progressive
April 1st, 1996
The sanitized version of American foreign policy asserts that the United States is hard at work promoting democratic values around the world in the face of attacks from totalitarian ideologies ranging from communism during the Cold War to Islamic fundamentalism today. Every once in a while an incident occurs that contradicts this reassuring rhetoric by revealing the secret underside of American policy, which is far more concerned with propping up pliable regimes that serve the interests of U.S. multinational corporations than it is with any meaningful notion of democracy. The November 13, 1995 bombing of the Saudi Arabian National Guard (SANG) headquarters and an adjacent building housing a U.S. military training mission is one such incident.
|Brazil: Amazon Contractor Raytheon has CIA Ties|
by Pratap Chatterjee, Inter Press Service
December 3rd, 1995
A contract to monitor the Amazon rainforest in Brazil will include a shadowy company once described as ''virtually indistinguishable'' from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The 1.4-billion-dollar contract for satellite monitoring of drug trafficking and deforestation in the 3.2-million-square-kilometre forests in the Brazilian Amazon was awarded last summer to Raytheon, a 12-billion-dollar, Massachusetts-based company, Raytheon, that makes Patriot and Sidewinder missiles.
|Brazil: Police Wiretap Jeopardizes Raytheon Radar Project
by Katherine Ellison , The Miami Herald
November 25th, 1995
It was meant to be a shining model of the new era of inter-American trade: a $1.4 billion U.S. contract -- the largest ever awarded in Brazil -- in which the Massachusetts- based Raytheon Corp. would build a vast radar project in the Amazon jungle.
|South Korea: General Dynamics Denies Bribery Allegations|
by John Mintz, Washington Post
October 26th, 1995
A South Korean legislator alleged yesterday that General Dynamics Corp. paid former president Roh Tae Woo at least $100 million in 1991 in a successful effort to persuade the South Korean military to buy the company's F-16 fighters. The Falls Church-based company strenuously denied the allegation.